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Women and girls in Afghanistan face sweeping restrictions on dress, education, work and personal freedom under Taliban rule, with hardline decrees from Hibatullah Akhundzada deepening a crisis that many Afghans, including some Taliban members, oppose.
Women in Afghan cities are now commonly seen dressed in highly conservative clothing, often with faces covered in line with Taliban requirements. Even when not wearing a niqab, many use medical-style masks to signal compliance. The restrictions are among the most visible signs of a broader effort to remove women from public life.
The Taliban has barred girls from attending public secondary schools, a policy described as deeply unpopular inside Afghanistan. Reliable nationwide data is scarce, but estimates from people familiar with conditions suggest perhaps only 10% of girls are receiving any form of formal secondary education. Much of that limited access comes through privately run madrasas, which many families cannot afford.
Women have also been pushed out of higher education and much of the workforce. One university professor said his entire department had been cleared of women, underscoring how thoroughly the bans have been enforced. Some women still work discreetly in parts of the private sector, but those opportunities have become increasingly difficult to sustain.
Teenage girls who still manage to study often speak fluent English and describe professional ambitions that are now out of reach. Among those affected are students who had hoped to become doctors or lawyers but now say those plans have effectively collapsed. Their accounts reflect a wider sense of despair, with many saying they no longer feel optimistic about the future.
New Taliban laws have made the situation even harsher. A recent measure has effectively legalized child marriage, while also asserting that a girl's silence can be treated as consent to marriage. Rights advocates view the decree as part of a pattern of steadily escalating restrictions on women and girls.
The central force behind many of these decisions is Hibatullah Akhundzada, the Taliban’s supreme leader, who operates largely from Kandahar rather than Kabul. He is described as highly reclusive, rarely seen in public and scarcely photographed, yet able to rule through decrees that officials and institutions obey. His authority appears strong enough to override the state’s administrative structures.
Opposition to the girls’ education ban is not limited to the broader Afghan public. Accounts from within the movement suggest a significant number, possibly a majority, of Taliban members do not support keeping girls out of school. But moderate or pragmatic factions have so far failed to reverse the policy or restrain Akhundzada’s authority.
The divide between leaders in Kabul and Kandahar has become a recurring point of tension, and dissatisfaction appears widespread. Even so, Akhundzada has built a loyal power base around his agenda, backed by armed supporters and conservative clerical authority. Internal critics have been sidelined, silenced or pushed out, allowing the current system to endure for now.
Afghanistan’s rulers have turned restrictions on women and girls into a defining feature of governance, reshaping education, work and family life. While discontent appears broad, including within the Taliban, the hardline leadership in Kandahar remains firmly in control.
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